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Most of early Meccan surahs are found on the final pages of the Qur’an. They are likely to be missed by Western readers who are only superficially interested in the Muslims’ Holy Book; altogether impossible to properly perceive. Most of the earliest surahs are short and hardly understandable at all; enigmatic, often scary and apparently apocalyptic (e.g., Q100, Q101). Another contains a hymn-like refrain (Q55), possibly evidence for being used in liturgy.

Angelika Neuwirth has long tried to retrieve an assumed close interaction between the messenger and his audience in particular in the forty-three earliest Meccan surahs. Her recent publication (within the series of already published and to be published works produced at Corpus Coranicum,  a research project founded in 2007 at the German Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanity), what she calls Handkommentar (“at hand” commentary; similar to existing commentaries of the Old and New Testament), indeed dissects these surahs in order to catch their form as ‘notes of a revelation’ and interprets their basic message against the background of the developing model answer (Erwartungshorizont) of a real audience, i.e., a congregation. It’s a so far unprecedented undertaking (Der Koran – Band I: Frühmekkanische Suren. Verlag der Weltreligionen, Berlin 2011).

It is not just another (meaning superfluous) translation of the Qur’an as was somewhat frivolously feared by Neuwirth’s colleague, Tilman Nagel; but another commentary, after Nöldecke, Paret, Khoury, Bell etc. Neuwirth’s working hypothesis is the primarily open-ended process of the creation of the book. The real corpus of the text is certainly not the canonical one (an arbitrary assemblage of surahs according to their length) but a virtual Corpus, i.e., the sequence of surahs as they had been performed by the Prophet in front of a growing congregation. This concept had actually been introduced 150 years ago in Theodor Nöldecke’s Geschichte des Qorans, but Neuwirth tries to substantially expand it by taking into account not only stylistic but also discursive criteria, i.e., tracing already formulated thoughts in later surahs. This must collide, of course, with faithful Muslims’ view of the “uncreatedness” of the Qur’an.

Traditionally, the short early Meccan surahs represent a small portion of the Qur’an which is still being printed independently and mainly utilized in ritual prayers and meditation. Their often catastrophic, eschatological scenes may help to self-identify with the Prophet’s personal crises known to Muslims from the sira (as certain psalms may allow a personal approach to David for faithful Jews).

The commentary to each surah is structured into five sections. Fortunately, the Arabic text is transcribed into Latin which may easily reveal rhymes and rhyme changes. What follows is a literary critical discussion of structural unity, or possible disruption which might point to a secondary composition; the functionality of rhymes; rhyme schemes according to classic Arabic poetry; discussion of traditions of major schools (Damascus, Kufa, Basrah, Makkah, Madinah) as regards numbering the verses. Questions about composition and structure are followed by cursory commentaries for every verses of the surah put them into a broader perspective of both the assumed time when they were formulated and entire Qur’an itself.

What is notable is Neuwirth’s hypothesis of the messenger’s close interaction with a growing audience, be it his followers in a congregation, or the increasing numbers of enemies apparently addressed, in particular, in newly organized subgroups (by Neuwirth’s colleague Nicolai Sinai) within group I where subtle traces of growing conflicts with pagan Meccans may be identified.

While consolation and praise in group I (a) surahs 93, 94, 97, and 108 strongly recall the language of psalms, in particular eschatological aspects of surahs 99-101 are usually perceived as deeply disturbing and frightening poetry using uncommon, well, never heard participles. This (and others) might in fact be considered as part of the icğaz, the Qur’an’s claimed inimitability, which has been emphasized by German scholar Navid Kermani in his dissertation Gott ist schön (C. H. Beck, Munich 1999). Poetic prophecy, as the subtitle of Neuwirth’s book suggests. The effect here is even enhanced when surahs with a similar topic are read one after another. Neuwirth’s grouping of the surahs is not entirely chronological. Within a subgroup, however, it may be.  A few examples. Translations of the Qur’an are generally not considered valid by Muslims. The exact meaning in Arabic can apparently not be caught. See, for example Q 101, Al Qâr’iah (The Calamity).

1-The Striking Calamity.

2-What is the Striking Calamity?

3-And what can make you know what is the Striking Calamity?

4-It is the Day when people will be like moths, dispersed,

5-And the mountains will be like wool, fluffed up.

6-Then as for one whose scales are heavy [with good deeds],

7-He will be in a pleasant life.

8-But as for one whose scales are light,

9-His refuge will be an abyss.

10-And what can make you know what that is?

11-It is a Fire, intensely hot.

The root q-r-c has various meanings (beating, shocking, striking). However, Al Qâr’iah is the feminine, singular participle of the verb, a hardly translatable coinage. In German, nice tries have been Die Klopfende, or Die Pochende.

1-Die Klopfende.

2-Was ist die Klopfende?

3-Weißt Du, was die Klopfende ist?

4-Am Tage, da Menschen sein werden wie auffliegende Motten,

5-da Berge sein werden wie zerflockte Wolle:

6-Wessen Waagschalen dann schwerer wiegen,

7-wird volles Leben haben.

8-Wessen Waagschalen aber leicht wiegen,

9-dessen Zufluchtsort ist der Abgrund.

10-Weißt Du, was ist der Abgrund?

11-Loderndes Feuer!   

The novel, highly alarming poetry of the text is obvious. The circumstances under which these verses have first been uttered must have been serious. This is a warning which clearly addresses an audience.

Surah Q 101 follows surah Q 100 (Al-cĀdiyāt) which has inimitably been translated by 19th century German poet Friedrich Rückert (here slightly modified by Angelika Neuwirth to further emphasize expressive and, with units of meaning, changing rhymes):

1-Bei den schnaubend Jagenden,

2-mit Hufschlag Funken Schlagenden,

3-den Morgenangriff Wagenden:

4-die Staub aufwühlen mit dem Tritte

5-und dringen in der Scharen Mitte.

6-Der Mensch ist widerspenstig gegen seinen Herrn

7-und ist sich selbst darüber Zeuge,

8-und heftig liebt er den Gewinn.

9-Weiß er denn nicht: Wenn das im Grab ist aufgeweckt

10-und das im Herzen aufgedeckt,

11-dass nichts vor seinem Herrn dann bleibt versteckt?   

The catastrophic event in the beginning is an attack by horses. A similarly ambitious English translation may be found:

1-By the snorting coursers,

2-Striking sparks of fire

3-And scouring to the raid at dawn,

4-Then, therewith, with their trail of dust,

5-Cleaving, as one, the centre (of the foe),

6-Lo! Man is an ingrate unto his Lord

7-And lo! He is a witness unto that;

8-And lo! In the love of wealth he is violent.

9-Knoweth he not that, when the contents of the graves are poured forth

10-And the secrets of the breasts are made known,

11-On that day will their Lord be perfectly informed concerning them.

Under which circumstances have these apocalyptic verses been uttered (just leaving aside what is believed by Muslims) for the first time? Apocalyptic texts, for instance those by Isaiah, Daniel, or the Book of Revelation of the New Testament, had been written at times of deep crisis, in case of the latter shortly before or after the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem by the Romans (or even later, during the time of Emperor Hadrian when, after the Bar Kokhba revolt (132-136 CE), even Jewish Christians, who believed that the true Messiah was Jesus Christ, were barred from Jerusalem as were Jews).

What kind of emerging crisis (ecological, social, economical?) can be traced in early Meccan surahs? As far as we know (but what has basically been questioned), 6th century Makkah had been a flourishing urban center of trade and pilgrimage. The (or one) physical center of the cult (or different cults) was the Ka’aba. In Makkah, the messenger’s adversaries were generally pagans, not Jews or Christians. Neuwirth emphasizes the first mentioning of “older scriptures”, those of Abraham (Ibrāhīm), and Moses (Mūsā), e.g. in Q 87:18-19, in group II of her virtual canon, which might be considered both part of the heavenly scripture or inventory book to which the Qur’an apparently belongs, and a record book, diligently documenting the deeds of every human being which will be read on Judgment Day.

Apparently, tensions grew as the messenger is asked by his adversaries, in group III surahs, when Judgment Day will be. Graphic descriptions of Gehenna (jahannam) awaiting the deniers of the message and lovely ones about gardens for the just. Eventually, in group IV surahs lovely-eyed virgins, i.e. houris, hūruncin, are introduced. Q 53 with its polemic directed toward goddesses is said to have contained the infamous, soon removed, Satanic Verses,

19-Have ye thought upon Al-Lat and Al-‘Uzzá
20-and Manāt, the third, the other?

These are the exalted gharāniq (cranes), whose intercession is hoped for,

a likely concession vis-à-vis pushily inquiring Meccans.

More than one third of the 43 early Meccan surahs, in fact 16, contain additions made later in Madinah, indicating developing content and changing reception, demands and inquiries of the growing congregation. It can be expected that the following four volumes of Neuwirth’s commentary on the Qur’an will address when and under which circumstances the exegetical reading and communication of biblical texts took place. Early Meccan surahs mainly suggest psalms. The same might apply to the Qur’an’s relation to early Arabic poetry.

As Tilman Nagel stresses in his review, the present volume deals with not more than nine per cent of the Holy Book.

Last update February 5, 2012.

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Angelika Neuwirth has presented a monumental analysis of the Holy Qur’an [1] which provides a number of convincing arguments that the scripture must not be regarded as  fait accompli but had rather developed as a liturgical text during permanent and critical, well, polemical disputes with an audience/congregation more or less or highly knowledgeable of the two older revealed books (just depending on the Prophet’s presence in Makkah or Madinah). In short, the book is a triumph. It pleasantly differs in style from Tilman Nagel’s dull and uninspiring biography of the Prophet of 2009, which came in two volumes [2], in that the highly readable text regards its object of research seriously, with curiosity and empathy.

Neuwirth is Professor for Arabic Studies at Free University of Berlin and leads Corpus Coranicum, a research project founded in 2007 at the German Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanity. Corpus Coranicum seeks to develop a better contextual understanding of the Qur’an in the West. Amazingly, the project is funded until 2025(!) but it may take considerably longer to be completed.

Muslim exegesis of their holy book, which may quickly outrun the Holy Bible as most printed and distributed book ever, has been done for 1400 years. So, there is apparently no need for addressing mainly Muslims to explain recent research efforts in understanding its specific origin. Muslims have their own (and unfortunately rather unsubstantiated) view about the sira, or life and legend of their Prophet. On the other hand, researchers in the West have tried time and again to trace the historical Muhammad from the sources, and some even deny its place in History altogether. That a meticulous analysis of the bequeathed text itself may in fact reveal certain hints about the specific circumstances when, how and why it had been created during Muhammad’s life is a stunning novelty, at least apart from the well-known rough differentiation of certain surahs as having been revealed early or late in Makkah or Madinah. It may also interest Muslims who certainly know about the alleged superiority of their holy scripture but may also be interested in a scientific dealing with it from outside.

Neuwirth claims a European approach (or access) in her study which might mainly indicate the use of a large number of Western sources. But she also describes the Qur’an as having been collected in a highly intellectual environment embedded and fully aware of its historical place in late antiquity. This is pretty much daring as readers in the West have time and time again liked to describe the largely incomprehensible book as a result of an archaic and tribal, well, primitive society living at the margins of the civilized world in the otherwise uninhabitable Arabian Peninsula; in general in isolation from the tides of History which embattled the Byzantine and Sassanid Empires [3]. Neuwirth makes it clear that the Qur’an, in contrast to widespread believes, seems keenly to seek a highly demanding, challenging and intellectually inspired interfaith dialogue which eventually culminates in its unmistakable claim of triumphant superiority of faith, beauty and reason [4].

Neuwirth turns the point of view from a consummate Islamic text (which, polemically, has dropped directly from the Heavens) to the study of a mainly pre-Islamic, sometimes difficult, communication process and dispute which eventually led to the formation of a congregation. That is what she calls a “European” reading or approach.  She further demands that the Qur’an has to be dealt with at eye level with the two other revealed scriptures, a matter of course. A major aim of the present study is, according to Neuwirth, an inner-European revision of certain historically problematic premises of an epoch in dramatic change (i.e., late antiquity) when Orient and Occident in a way split (in retrospect). As mentioned before, the project Corpus Coranicum has just started with an amazing coup of a “European approach.” It will continue for years to come embracing Islamic traditions and Muslim views, as well [5].

That the text (which is generally verbally proclaimed, not primarily read) slowly developed as did Muhammad’s congregation cannot be derived from the final text. This misconception has obviously constrained its interpretation in the West for a very long time. Thus, comparison of the text with Bible or Tanakh must fail. In contrast to the two latter, the Qur’an is not a narrative which has been written by its author to be read continuously; but rather its specific parts, or surahs, which have been revealed (or formulated) on specific occasions and at specific locations, to be recited (as Muhammad himself was ordered in surah 96). The Qur’an is not a fait accompli, the finalized version of a theological draft, as Neuwirth stresses several times; not an inferior attempt to rewrite the Bible in Arabic [6].

Its acoustic quality of great beauty is complemented with that of calligraphy. Its, in some of the shorter surahs, staggering poetry (for the devout); all this makes the Qur’an a multimedia-based entity which cannot be (but has too long been) belittled in comparison with the older scriptures [7]. Its intention is different as well. Artfully formulated, often deeply disturbing, well, frightening admonition (the Prophet first calls himself nadhir, or alerter), as in the Qur’an, is not among the main features of the Bible, whose text may even be read as continuous narrative, literature. The Qur’an appeals to, and even presupposes, its listeners’ knowledge about the biblical topics and their exegesis. It does not reinvent them; but it rectifies them, put them into perspective; gives them a unique different (Arabic) interpretation [8].

It is an amazing enterprise that Neuwirth is trying here. Apart from its scientific claim an immediately comprehended main objective of the project, which also addresses a wider audience of interested lay people, is certainly to guide a Western public which has largely been trapped in its newly aroused averseness (after September 11, 2001) to the holy book of the Muslim World.  Neuwirth’s book (the first in a series to come) has already a great potential of narrowing the gap between different civilizations. It might indeed (and should) have a greater effect than numerous well-meaning interfaith panel discussions [9]. The sole pity may be that the book is available right now only in the German language which certainly prevents its wider distribution. It is hoped that it will quickly be translated into English and Arabic as well.

 

Notes

[1] Neuwirth A. Der Koran als Text der Spätantike. Ein europäischer Zugang. Verlag der Weltreligionen, Berlin 2010, 859 pp.

[2] Nagel T. Mohammed. Leben und Legende; Allahs Liebling, beide Oldenbourg, München 2008.  I have written critical remarks on both here and here.

[3] German Orientalist Tilman Nagel, in a bulk review of three new releases on the Qur’an (two translations into German by Hartmut Bobzin and Ahmad Milad Karimi; and Neuwirth’s stunning enterprise), may have got it wrong when he doubts (again) that very fact. Neuwirth doesn’t explicitly claim a certain momentum of the Qur’an for the later development of Europe. Rather she demands that finally, in the 21st century, Europe has to accept the fact that the text can only be seen in the context of, at the time of its collection, still Oriental-European environment of late antiquity. As a matter of fact, Christian/Jewish/Hellenistic Europe has the major part of its origins in the Middle East, the cultural epicenter of centuries to come. All three revealed religions derive from the Levant and Arabia. While Nagel seemingly denies that he again steps into the trap of Eurocentric alleged cultural superiority which might have been developed only one thousand years later. Neuwirth suggests seeing the image of the Qur’an as one with hidden faces only visible under different viewpoints. Its primary legacy is inheritance, the foundation text of all Muslims. Its secondary legacy may be cognition. While what we understand as “Europe” had not really existed in late antiquity, developing idea of “Europe” is founded on all three revealed texts, and the disputes among respective proponents.

[4] In that regard in particular the table on page 702 is impressive which compares the texts of the verbose Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed of 381 CE, highly concise Deuteronomy 6,4 and finally rectifying surah 112, al-Ikhlâs (“The Purity of Faith”):

“Say: He is Allah, the One and Only;

Allah, the Eternal, Absolute;

He begetteth not, nor is He begotten;

And there is none like unto Him.”

[5] Maybe Nagel has overlooked this announcement in the Introduction (on p. 24) when giving the impression in his review that apparent sparseness of the large number of Arabic and Islamic sources as regards the Qur’an in Neuwirth’s study would point to an inherent insufficiency of her scientific work. As announced by Neuwirth, there will be numerous sequels, I suppose.

[6] Neuwirth’s attempt to liberate the Qur’an is not confined to Western prejudices. She also put into relation the Muslim belief of the beginning of Arabic History (a Golden Age) only with the appearance of the Prophet. What devout Muslims call jahiliyyah, a chaotic, bellicose, tribal life in an otherwise empty Hejaz of pagans cannot be traced by archeological, epigraphic or numismatic evidence. Cities in northern Hejaz were thus completely Romanized, even providing Roman Emperors in late antiquity.

[7] German-Iranian Navid Kermani has pointed to the beauty of the Qur’an in his dissertation of 1999 “Gott ist schön.” In grave contrast, Markus Groß (in Ohlig KH (ed.). Der Frühe Islam, Schiler 2007) has recently categorically denied that anyone outside the Arabic-Islamic culture could even perceive beauty in its recitation.

[8] See in particular the chapters on Qur’anic and Biblical figures Nuh, Ibrahim, Musah, Maryam.

[9] In a similar context as Otto Kallscheuer wrote in 1999 in Germany’s weekly Die Zeit when reviewing Navid Kermani’s dissertation “Gott ist schön” about (inter alia) the i’ğaz, or inimitability of the Qur’an.

Update May 17, 2011.

See Professor Neuwirth’s 2009 lecture on the topic at Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton University, here.

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These days I was thinking, among other things, of German Orientalist Navid Kermani’s ‘Terror of God’, his moving and stunning PhD thesis of 2005. Besides Biblical (and Qur’anic) Job, German poet Heinrich Heine and many other sufferers (not least members of his own family) Kermani writes much about the classical Persian poet Farid ud-Din Attar and, in particular, his ‘Book of Affliction’, or Moṣībat-Nāma, a dark masterpiece on human suffering in the presence of, and carefully watched by, God Almighty. Not coming close to Helmut Ritter’s monumental ‘Ocean of Soul’ on Attar’s oeuvre, Kermani’s book has given me, the agnostic, one or another spiritual revelation. I am grateful for that.

Yesterday, my father passed away, eventually in peace, so we hope. He is now going on a journey on which we can not join him yet, even if desired so much. When we’ll meet again, for sure, he will answer our urgent questions, guiding us into eternity.

Thank you so much for all what you have given us, dedicated, committed, responsible, and in love.

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Pentecost might be the right holiday for asking this simple question: Can Christians, or even agnostics, be touched by verses of the Holy Qur’an? Yes, they can (we are not in Obama’s campaign here). Some years ago, when I had just moved to Kuwait, which is a very conservative Islamic country, I got a gift from my brother, Navid Kermani’s doctoral thesis about the beauty of the Qur’an. Its main topic (on a bit more than 500 pages) was, in particular, what Muslims know as i‛ğāz, meaning the miracle of the supernatural beauty of their Holy Book. I am quite convinced that he (my brother) has not read it, but on me it had a profound effect. It is, of course, a scientific text but easy to read and of admirably persuasive power. The effect was twofold. I first became interested in the Qur’an, and even religion at large. And then I detected that I am not really religious. The holy book I am more familiar with, the Bible, obviously lacks beauty and poetry, and Kermani, a German-Iranian orientalist, novelist, and journalist who is living in Cologne, is a master of explaining that particular (if you want) deficiency of the Book of the Books (I would still disagree spontaneously for certain parts, for example, the Sermon on the Mount, Matth 5-7. But being nearly overwhelmed by revolutionary ethics is somewhat different from being immensely touched by pure beauty).

Kermani comes to the (my) point on page 122 when he portrays, and tries to interpret, the famous Light Verse (Q24:35): 

“God is the Light of the heavens and the earth.
The parable of His light is, as it were, that of a niche containing a lamp;
the lamp is [enclosed] in glass,
the glass [shining] like a radiant star:
[a lamp] lit from a blessed tree -
an olive-tree that is neither of the east nor of the west
the oil whereof [is so bright that it] would give light [of itself] even though fire had not touched it:
Light upon Light!
God guides unto His light him that wills [to be guided];
and [to this end] God propounds parables unto men,
since God [alone] has full knowledge of all things.”

Ayat An-Nur is named after this verse, although the remaining revelations deal with completely different issues. Indeed, when I tried to get a comment from a dear Muslim friend on it, she became angry, for obvious reasons. But I only wanted some opinions about this special, mysterious, paragraph, in particular this “neither of the East nor of the West”. The English translation (here by Mohamed Asad) is, as all translations of, what is believed by Muslims, God’s words, insufficient.

As I learned later, especially this most famous verse in the Qur’an has guided so many mystics on their spiritual journeys!

Published first at Salmiya.

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Celebrated German-Iranian scholar of Islamic Sciences, novelist, essayist and journalist Navid Kermani was denied Hesse’s highest cultural award, the Kulturpreis. As he tells us, he was second choice anyway after Professor Fuad Sezgin, Director of the Institute of Arabic-Islamic Sciences at Frankfurt University, who had been nominated first, had already declined; allegedly because of some statements made by Salomon Korn, Vice President of the Central Council of Jews in Germany and another laureate, on Israel’s war in Gaza.

After Kermani had accepted the award, definitely too quickly but bona fide, the other two awardees, Karl Cardinal Lehmann and the former President of the Protestant Church of Hesse-Nassau Peter Steinacker declined next, owing to Kermani. Allegedly, because he (Kermani) had described his emotions when contemplating a painting of the crucified Christ by Guido Reni (d. 1642) in such a positive way that one indeed may doubt his good Muslim faith. However, of course is the crucifix the main reason for the schism in monotheism. Of course must Muslims consider worshipping the crucified Christ as idolatry. This is THE DIFFERENCE. What one faction considers the holiest expression of piety is for the other pure blasphemy. By definition.

Nothing is wrong with the decisions of these honorable men, except the insistence on fundamentalist religious dogmas and childish bossiness. One might advise these ignoble laureates to scrutinize their own level of tolerance first before frivolously accepting awards which they might not really deserve.

 

See also on this blog

Almost a Revelation. Some thoughts after reading Navid Kermani’s Der Schrecken Gottes.

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