Under the direction of Professor Angelika Neuwirth and, later, Dr. Dirk Hartwig, Corpus Coranicum at the Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities has produced a highly enlightening introduction (Der Koran als Text der Spätantike – Ein europäischer Zugang, Verlag der Weltreligionen, Berlin 2010, KTS) as well as so far three commentaries on early Meccan (HK1, early mid-Meccan (HK2/1), and late mid-Meccan sūrahs of the Qur’an (HK2/2). I have written about the two earlier books here and here.

After the publication of volume HK2/2 on late mid Meccan sūrahs, published in 2021, Professor Neuwirth moved Corpus Coranicum from Berlin to the University of Münster, where her colleague, Professor Mouhanad Khorchide is Director of the Center for Islamic Theology. It is hoped that anticipated HK2/3 on late Meccan sūrahs is being finalized by Neuwirth, Hartwig and Khorchide in due time.

In the meantime, the authors published a smaller volume, called Nizänum und Islam (Herder, Freiburg i. Breisgau 2025), a historical-critical and Islamic-theological analysis of two early Medinan sūrahs, Q24 An-Nūr, and Q112 Al-Ikhlāṣ.

At first glance, the title may be somewhat misleading. It is only later mentioned that the 1700 Anniversary of the Nicene Council in 325 CE had motivated the authors for their enterprise. In his Foreword, Khorchide has in fact a focus on the Nicene Creed. But the main text points to the well-established environment in the area of Yaṯrib, later Medina, with both Christian churches and monasteries as well as Jewish synagogues to which the followers of Muhammad had very recently arrived. While the Jews in Medina have been critical of the Nicene Creed, the newcomers from Mecca under Muhammad may have joined them in their, well, analysis.

That the book dedicates a quarter of its content (including an extended Appendix and bibliography) to that foreword and an Introduction is not very compelling. The more as the latter starts with an in-depth re-analysis (after HK1) of two early Meccan sūrahs, Q55 and Q90, and then presents a longer section on Qur’anic studies in the tradition of Jewish science, after KTS.

I understand the authors’ intention to outline their strong conviction that the Qur’an has its origin in an intense debate with Christians and Jews which might be quite convincing when reading early Meccan psalm-like sūrahs. But they later suggest that it is only in Medina that Muhammad participated in church services and liturgies. Not in Mecca.

As the authors rely, when arguing, on their painstaking, micro-structural, analysis of the Qur’anic text only, it must remain a hypothesis, though. There is no extra-Qur’anic material which would prove that Muhammad and his followers actually participated in Church services and Jewish liturgies.

There cannot be any evidence for the authors’ hypothesis, in particular whether Muhammad was aware about the Nicene Creed as Angelika Neuwirth claimed already in 2009 when she gave a public lecture at the Institute of Advanced Study on “The Late Antique Qur’an” on invitation of late Professor Patricia Crone. In fact, there are no contemporary, independent, non-Muslim sources mentioning Muhammad’s actions, interactions with Jews and Christians, or campaigns in the early Medinan period, which is the period under consideration here.

As Neuwirth mentions Q112 Al-Ikhlāṣ, in her talk at Princeton, I have copied the YouTube video of her performance below (timestamp 38:00 and onwards).

Interestingly, most commenters, in particular Muslims, would assign the four verses of Q112 to the Meccan period before Hijra, or emigration to Medina. Likewise, Q24 is commonly considered as having been revealed during the mid-Medinan, not early Medinan period. I will come to that later.

Neuwirth et al. quote from the Prophet’s Sīra. When the Meccan party arrived at Yatrib on 12 Rabīʿ al-ʾAwwal, September 24, 622 CE, Muhammad noticed the fasting rites of the local Jews on the tenth day of Tishri, i.e. Yom Kippur. He was so impressed that he and his followers would fast on this day (Āshūrā) as well.

Despite lack of evidence, there should not be any doubt that, immediately after having arrived in Medina, the group of proto-Muslims under Muhammad came actually across Jewish tribes and Christian monks. They have most probably visited synagogues and churches, witnessing liturgy, and worship, respectively. It may be assumed that, in particular, Muhammad was highly interested but begged to differ.

Neuwirth et al. realize that, while Muhammad in Mecca composed sūrahs in the tradition of pre-Islamic competition among Arab poets, which attempt to surpass (in beauty, and/or theological rigor) their biblical counterparts. Now, in Medina, a real debate with actual performances, in churches, synagogues, of representatives of the other two faiths took place. At first amicable.

Q24, An-Nūr

The three parts of the sūrah, which is composed around the famous Light Verse, may indeed give hints that it was elaborated and concluded already before Muhammad turned against Jewish tribes, according to Neuwirth, in 624 CE, i.e., the year of the Battle of Badr.

What traditional commenters had in mind when they assigned the sūrah rather to the mid-Medinan period were the traces of a scandal about Muhammad’s wife A’isha (V.11-20) which probably happened only in 626/7, the so-called Necklace Incident.

Provided the hypothesis of an early formulation of the sūrah is correct, the insertion of these verses, directly related to the scandal, points to the fact that later additions (or omissions) in sūrahs were highly possible. Probably inserted V.11-20 describe a sort of “trial” of those who slander Muhammad’s wife about an alleged but unfounded, indecent sexual behavior, which may fit the earlier formulated beginning of the sūrah, namely the threat of relentless and drastic punishment of fornication.

The following verses of Q24 (V.27-33) list morally correct domestic conduct, protection of women, and treatment of dependents/slaves before V.34, the celebrated hymn of the Light Vers (V.35).

Allah is the Light of the heavens and the earth. His light¹ is like a niche in which there is a lamp, the lamp is in a crystal, the crystal is like a shining star, lit from ˹the oil of˺ a blessed olive tree, ˹located˺ neither to the east nor the west,² whose oil would almost glow, even without being touched by fire. Light upon light! Allah guides whoever He wills to His light. And Allah sets forth parables for humanity. For Allah has ˹perfect˺ knowledge of all things.

As with the above hadīth regarding Āshūrā, Neuwirth et al. suggest that Muhammad and his followers may have witnessed, briefly after arrival in Medina, the Jewish Ḥănukkā festival on 25 Kislev (4383), i.e. December 7, 622. There seems to be no respective hadīth, though.

The text read on Ḥănukkā, Zechariah 2,14-4,7 describes the monumental golden candleholder illuminating the Temple. It culminates in its description (Zech 4,1-7).

¹Then the angel who talked with me returned and woke me up, like someone awakened from sleep. ² He asked me, “What do you see?”I answered, “I see a solid gold lampstand with a bowl at the top and seven lamps on it, with seven channels to the lamps. ³ Also there are two olive trees by it, one on the right of the bowl and the other on its left.” ⁴ I asked the angel who talked with me, “What are these, my lord?” ⁵ He answered, “Do you not know what these are?” “No, my lord,” I replied. ⁶ So he said to me, “This is the word of the Lord to Zerubbabel: ‘Not by might nor by power, but by my Spirit,’ says the Lord Almighty. ⁷ “What are you, mighty mountain? Before Zerubbabel you will become level ground. Then he will bring out the capstone to shouts of ‘God bless it! God bless it!’

While it is highly conceivable that the small band of proto-Muslims after having arrived in Medina participated in the Ḥănukkā festival, the verses following the Light Verse in Q24 (V.36-38) actually point to their knowledge about monasteries in the region.

That light shines˺ through houses ˹of worship˺ which Allah has ordered to be raised, and where His Name is mentioned. He is glorified there morning and evening by men who are not distracted—either by buying or selling—from Allah’s remembrance, or performing prayer, or paying alms-tax. They fear a Day when hearts and eyes will tremble, ˹hoping˺ that Allah may reward them according to the best of their deeds, and increase them out of His grace. And Allah provides for whoever He wills without limit.

They may even have heard the Nicene Creed. In particular, the following may have interested Muhammad,

I believe in one Lord Jesus Christ,
the Only Begotten Son of God,
born of the Father before all ages.
God from God, Light from Light,
true God from true God,
begotten, not made, consubstantial with the Father.

And at the latest now, Muhammad fundamentally disagreed. Light from Light, in the Nicene Creed became Light upon Light in the Light Verse.

Q112, Al-Ikhlāṣ

The very short Surah has almost unanimously been considered by Islamicists to be from the early Meccan period. But its traceable response to fundamental issues of the Nicene Creed with its almost literal denial and correction may place it rather in a time when Muhammad had close encounters with Christians, i.e., soon after he had arrived in Medina.

Say: He is Allah, the One; Allah, the Sustainer. He neither begets nor has He begotten, and there is none like Him.

It echoes both the Jewish credo, “Hear, O Israel: The Lord our God, the Lord is One” (Deut 6,4), as well as, counterfactual, Nicea, “We believe in one God and in the Lord Jesus Christ, the only-begotten Son of God, who is of one substance with the Father.”

Neuwirth et al. discuss in detail the expression Allāhu l-ṣamad, usually translated as Allah the sustainer. In their view, it might better be translated Alla the Non-personal, in the sense of “firm,” “impenetrable,” and thus “without relation” and “impersonal.”

It goes without saying that the entire paragraph about the Son of God in the Nicene Creed is omitted in Q112. In particular, Allah is strongly characterized as non-Father who was not begotten.

It is also interesting that sūrah Al-Ikhlāṣ starts with the Jewish Credo (Dtn 6,4), using a phonetically similar, albeit grammatically wrong, Arabic aḥad (One) as compared to its Hebrew counterpart, eḥad, possibly a pun.

…

The emphatic critical historical analysis by Neuwirth et al. is not always convincing, bordering circular reasoning and sometimes overstretch certain presumptions. It is refreshingly new anyway.

Professor Khorchide, whose contribution to this book was probably just preface and postface, addresses mainly Muslims in his attempt of outlining both the challenge and a potential broadening of horizons through a historical-critical analysis of the sacred text.

It is not at all an easy task. To place the Qur’an in the midst of a dialogue with Christian and Jewish believers rather than considering the text as God’s timeless and uncreated monologue (as the vast majority of Muslims do) must be considered heretic by many.

Neuwirth’s approach as a scientist and non-believer (neither Christian nor Muslim) was actually a requirement for her lifelong analysis of the Qur’anic text. Khorchide is a practicing Muslim. We’ll see whether his future contributions to the still incomplete project will still lead to fruitful results.

11 April 2026 @ 10:59 UTC+2.

Last modified April 11, 2026.